The European Union in Central Asia: Balancing Competing Actors and Opportunities for the V4 Countries
The European Union (EU) launched its second strategy on Central Asia in 2019, providing a framework for stronger engagement with Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Building on previous commitments, the EU has promised to approach the region more comprehe...
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| Format: | Report |
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Think Visegrad
2019
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| Online Access: | https://www.europeum.org/en/articles/detail/3080/the-european-union-in-central-asia-balancing-competing-actors-and-opportunities-for-the-v4-countries http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/95082 |
| Summary: | The European Union (EU) launched its second strategy on Central Asia in 2019,
providing a framework for stronger engagement with Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
Building on previous commitments, the EU has promised to approach the region
more comprehensively, work with the individual states and bring improvements to
Central Asia without falling victim to accusations of ‘admonishing’ in its dialogue with
the region, as has sometimes been the case historically. Its focus is also on
Afghanistan, a joint priority, and a source of both instability and opportunity.
Increasingly, the EU is merging resources to manage its programs for Central Asia and
Afghanistan. The enhanced focus on Afghanistan, however, should not overshadow
the collaboration with the Central Asian states.
The EU faces a challenging political environment and a diverse presence of
external powers, all competing for collaboration by bringing their own regional policy
initiatives. More prominently, China, Russia and the United States opt for various forms
of engagement to gain influence. The EU should seek like-minded states with which to
coordinate its activities to avoid duplication.
The Visegrad Group countries should support and encourage the spread of the
EU’s soft power by contributing to people-to-people contacts and helping with gradual
economic transformations, but also offer their expertise in specific spheres, such as
academic, education and research cooperation; water management or security
reforms. They should be more proactive in coordinating their activities via their own
embassies or programs to help make the EU’s initiative a bigger ‘game-changer’;
otherwise, the ambitions in the strategy will not be met in the near to medium future. |
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